Afro-Bolivian Culture, Music, Dance and Development
Abstract
The conquistadores (Spanish and Portuguese adventurers, soldiers and explorers) took control of Americas between the 15th to 19th century and the need for human labor by Spanish colonists led to wide spread enslavement. The first slaves acquired by the colonists were from the local native tribes. However, as the demand for labor in mining and farming haciendas increased, slaves had to be sought further. Additional slaves from the African continent were acquired by the colonists through slave trade. A large number of the African slaves were moved into mines and farms. The cultural mingling that resulted led to cultural changes for both the slaves and the locals. The remnant black slaves and mulattos that resulted from the period constitute what is currently known as the Afro-Bolivian population in present day Bolivia-an active mining spot for the Spanish colonists. The Afro-Bolivian population has had great cultural influence from the black slaves imported from Africa through the transatlantic trade.
The African culture influenced many cultural aspects such as religion, language, clothing, and music. This paper primarily focuses on the culture of the Afro-Bolivians and their music genre known as Saya. The paper highlights the development of the African derived sayamusic in relation to the cultural background against which it developed as well as its cultural significance to the Afro-Bolivian population. Additionally, the paper highlights the development of the music through time as well as the spread of the music genre to other parts of the Americas. Additionally, the paper highlights other accompanying cultural changes and the current life of the Afro-Bolivians and how their culture has helped them to develop cultural awareness and create assertiveness to overcome marginalization.
Introduction
Slaves in Bolivia carried out numerous tasks in farms and mines owned by the colonists who mainly constituted of colonists of a Spanish descent. Slaves could be used as blacksmiths, cowboys, squires, domestic servants, muleteers, pearl divers, gold miners and cultivators of sugarcane-just to mention but a few. Thousands of black slaves were taken to Bolivia’s largest mining city to work as miners in Potosi which is located to the south of Bolivia during the 16th century. Potosi was one of the richest cities of the time[i]. Ironically, its wealth was held by a few colonists who owned the mines and not the locals that served as slave workers in the rich silver mines. The extent and nature of activities carried out differed a lot in different regions of Bolivia depending on the economic activities in those localities as well as cultural attitudes held. Approximately, 30000 black Africans were transported to Potosi in the entire colonial period to supplement the dwindling local supply of labor from the indigenous people. The miners still engaged the indigenous people in mining activities, and the African slaves were largely deployed to work in the refineries and minting sections[ii].
The work done was risky and hard. For example the black slaves were required to push mills used in the royal minting house known as “Casa de la Moneda”. They literarily acted like “human mules”. If a mule was used for a similar purpose it would have probably died after two months, thus making slaves a preferable option in comparison to the mules. The economic development in Bolivia was relatively slow in most sectors such as farming with the exception of mining in Potosi, which was very active. This led to less exploitative and harsh slavery in most parts of Bolivia compared to the English and French sugar islands where sugar cane farming was the major economic activity. This may have also been influenced by other factors such as the legal and religious practices and attitudes that existed during the period. These legal and religious practices and attitudes emphasized paternalism and protection and more punitive and repressive aspects. The “Siete Partidas” or “Castilian statutory code” passed in 1348 is an example of the legal measures that stipulated both protective and repressive stipulations which related to slavery. The Partidas considered the use of slaves as a necessary evil, and all slaves could be Christian converts and therefore the king’s servants. The translation of these principles to practice is a subject for debate, but apparently de-humanization of Black slaves was not serious in Spanish colonies in comparison to the British and French colonies. Potosi’s “golden era” which occurred between the year 1556 and 1783 had a lot of mining and shipment activities where an estimated 45000 tons of refined silver was mined in Cerro Rico region. 7000 tons of the pure silver was shipped to Spain for the Spanish monarchial leaders.
The initial source of mining labor was sourced from the local native tribes. However, exposure to brutality, mercury, and European disease led to a sharp decline in the number of the locals by a large percent-approximately 90%. Spanish colonists discovered silver deposits in 1544 at the present day site of Potosi. Potosi is on the foot of Cerro Rico Mountain in Bolivia which was locally known as the rich mountain-a translation of Cerro Rico. This discovery marked the onset of mass enslavement of the locals who were turned into slave miners. The decline of the locals’ population and health meant that the Spanish had to look for other sources of labor. At the onset of the 17th century Spanish barons and owners of mines brought in African slaves. The large number of African slaves was sent to work in the silver mines alongside the able native tribesmen. The working conditions at Potosi were harsh and horrible, and the black and brown slaves barely survived for six months[iii]. Firstly, Potosi has a high altitude of approximately 14000 feet above sea level-actually it is the only town in the world with the highest altitude. Working at such a high altitude was difficult for the slaves because they were not used to the conditions. Additionally, the slave workers died early because of the toxicity of mercury vapor and fumes from the smelters.
The inhalation of these toxic fumes and hard labor shortened the slaves’ life span. The slaves worked in dark tunnels for months and when they left they had to be blindfolded to prevent getting hurt by the daylight from the sun, which they could stay without seeing for a very long time. The mine owners required any Africans and natives above the age of 18 to work in the mines for a minimum of 12 hours, but at times even young children were forced to work in the mines. However, the children did not work for as long as the adults. The life of the children was as endangered as any other miners and they were exposed to risky and harsh conditions such as toxic gases, explosions, asbestos and cave-ins. The harsh colonial period greatly decimated the local population as well as the black slaves[iv]. An approximated 8 million people including natives and black slaves died because of the harsh and horrible working conditions in the mines within the colonial period between 1545 when the locals were first put to work in the mines to 1825 when the colonial period ended. The rich Spanish mine owners fortified the slaves’ resilience by offering them coca leaves to chew. The coca leaves were used to numb the senses of the slave workers against cold and hunger. The leaves’ effect also reduced altitude sickness associated with working at very high altitudes. Eventually, the coca plant became an important part of the culture of Bolivia and a major agricultural plant which can be processed into cocaine.
Afro-Bolivians
The Black African slaves from this colonial era formed an important part of the Bolivian population after emancipation which took place in the 19th century. These black slaves became the present day Afro-Bolivians. The Afro-Bolivians are blacks in Bolivia with an African ancestry descending from the enslaved Africans. The term afro-Bolivian is also at times used to refer to cultural or historical elements that arose from the communities of Black slaves from Africa. It also denotes the combination of native Bolivian cultural aspects with African cultural aspects such as language, religion, arts and music. According to census official reports, at least 5% percent of the Bolivian population is made up of people that either identify themselves as black or can be classified as having black ancestry. The inter-cultural and racial marriages that occurred and still occur in the Bolivian population have also given rise to a large number of mulattos who make up at least 16% percent of the Bolivian population. The Afro-Latino/Afro-Latin American mulattos have an ancestry that is partially African.
The Afro-Bolivians that initially worked in silver mines spread out in to other parts of Bolivia even prior to their emancipation. A large number of enslaved miners died in the Potosi mines because of the hard labor, high altitude and harsh treatment that they experienced at the hands of their owners who cared least about their welfare. Spaniards dealing with slave trade became cognizant of the fact that they were losing a lot of money because of their dying slaves. As a result they decided to sell these workers to hacienda owners located in low altitude and warm areas of the lower Yungas region. An estimated 17000 black African slaves were sold to work in the Yungas as domestic helpers, indentured servants or as cultivators in coca fields, till the 1953 agrarian reform. The 1953 agrarian reform took control of the lands under the Spanish haciendas and sub-divided them into plots of lands which it offered to the poor Afro-Bolivians that had been working in the haciendas. This led to the development of close-knit Afro-Bolivian communities. Many other Afro-Bolivians relocated to the Yungas region after the emancipation which took place in the nineteenth century. This region is to the northern part of La Paz city, and it is a major coca farming zone. A large number of Afro-Bolivians with African heritage are found in the Yungas regions such as Calacala-Coscoma, Coroico, Irupana, Chicaloma, and Mururata. The Yungas region was originally the home to Aymara Indians (a native tribe that constitutes 25 % percent of the Bolivian population). Other indigenous tribal groups also lived in the area alongside the Aymara Indians. The communities included the Quechua Indians who constitute a great part of the native population and the Mestizos (a population made of native and European mixed people).
Historically, the natives felt that the dark skin of the Africans was greatly attractive compared to their lighter skin. These Bolivian natives were greatly impressed by the darker color of the African slaves when they were first brought to Bolivia by slave trading Spaniards. Consequently, a large number of native Bolivian Indians freely intermarried with the black Africans. It was not strange to find a black African married to an Aymara Indian. Eventually, the long journey of cultural exchanges, influence and adoption began. The Afro-Bolivians would later adopt a number of cultural aspects of the local native tribes including elements of their belief systems, music features and dress code[v]. Eventually, some Afro-Bolivians became sub-cultures of the Aymara Indians. The Afro-Bolivians were finally free after a long time of servitude, but they had greater struggles and challenges to face that go on up till now. The Afro-Bolivians are a neglected minority group in developmental issues in Bolivia up till the present time. Their economic power and state of development is relatively low compared to other groups in Bolivia. The group has also been in constant struggle trying to revive and maintain their cultural heritage[vi]. A lot of the Afro-Bolivian cultural elements began dying away because of the alienation that accompanied their period of slavery and servitude. Cultural elements such as their religion, language and their ceremonial feasts slowly faded as time passed by. The surviving elements had to fight against aggression from the colonists and the exclusion of their culture from the rest of Bolivia after their emancipation. Notably, one of the ways the Afro-Bolivians were able to hold on to their crumbling culture was to maintain their cultural heritage from their traditional music and dance known as saya.
Dance anthropologists state that music and dance are manifestations of culture and a view through which culture can be studied and understood. This is because these cultural aspects form part of the complex of elements that reflect the kind of culture from which they originate. The study of these elements of culture offers insight into comprehending particular communities and their cultures[vii]. Every traditional and even modern dance or music reflects some cultural aspects within the context that these dances and music develop, and therefore; can be contributory to cultural studies. The dances and music of any culture reflect the socio-cultural and historical background of the people that partake of such cultural traditions. This is possible through the observance of ideals, beliefs and values that are expressed through the dance. Therefore, dance and music is an integral part of culture that if well analyzed in the Afro-Bolivian context can tell us a lot about the Afro-Bolivian people.
Afro-Bolivian La Saya
Bolivian dance and musical culture has very strong links to the indigenous population, compared to any other cultural groups in the Latin Americas. There are various Andean folk dances and music that exist in Bolivia, and these dances differ greatly amongst the tribal cultures. During the nationalism period in the 50’s Quechua and Aymara cultural groups’ folk music gained wide acceptance and their folk music acquired a pop-like sound in a gradual manner. Los Kjarkas was the main player behind the fusion of this folk music with elements of pop-like music. Native music forms including the caporales and huayños also get a lot of play time nowadays. Cumbia is also a form of Bolivian music which is widely played by Bolivians currently. Other regional forms of music also exist, but these are less known internationally and they include music forms from Tarija and Santa Cruz regions which play music forms such as Chacarera and Cueca. The Cueca is actually the Bolivian national dance which owes its origin to Chile where a similar version of the dance is performed.
The Cueca dance is performed by couples waving handkerchiefs while making gyrating dance moves, and it is mostly performed during public festivals. The paper’s main highlight is however; the La Saya dance and music which has its origin in the African culture brought about by Afro-Bolivians from the colonial era. Despite the relatively small number of Afro-Bolivians the group has exerted a cultural influence on the Bolivian indigenous people as well as Bolivia in general as a nation. The notable imprint on Bolivian culture includes the influence of Saya music and dance. Perhaps this is even the only cultural identity they still have that really stands out as unique. Therefore, the greatest influence of Afro-Bolivians on Bolivian cultures is the La Saya or Saya music and dance. The dance and music is gaining a lot of popularity both within and without Bolivia especially; in the Latin Americas. The dance is less understood by many, but the Afro-Bolivians can interpret it very well. The lack of understanding that surrounds the dance originates from the difficulties involved in interpreting and understanding the instruments used and the rhythm both of which are peculiar.
Nor Yungas Afro-Bolivians and their migrants in La Paz use poetry, music and dance as their most important expressions of their cultures’ art. Saya is actually an umbrella reference for various closely related dances and music of African origin. These include Negritos, Tuntuna, Caporales, Tundique and contemporary La saya. The dance has been around for five centuries and it has developed greatly and even produced variations after the music and dance was merged with elements from other native cultural groups. Variations produced include Tundique dancing which later developed into Tuntuna which was named after the touch of the bowler hat. The Caporales production by the Estrada brothers during 1969 was based on Afro-Bolivian dances like Saya and their variations. The brothers drew their inspiration from the Caporal-leading character in the saya dance that guides dancers and instrument players. The La saya dance had been in passive existence since the colonial era till its revitalization in 1982. The dance and music form was revitalized by Nor Yungas Afro-Bolivians who intended to revitalize their cultural roots and traditional music. Prior to this revitalization of La saya they took part in the brass band tradition of dance that had grown in importance to Bolivian nationals in the mid and late 20th century. This revitalization encompassed the revival of many cultural aspects and notable among them is the La saya. The La saya is a music genre that is used by Afro-Bolivians to preserve and pass down their oral history to generations that come. The genre includes funeral music known as mauchi, traditional wedding music known as “baile de tierra” and another traditional dance associated to the Afro-Bolivian monarchy known as Zemba. The Zemba is played by combining a lively dance and drumming. The drums are also a common thing in the La saya genre and they serve to show the African origin of the music through the incorporation of drums which are characteristic of most African music genres. The aspect of singing has most prominence in this genre of music, but there is always an inclusion of accompaniments from various musical instruments such as drums.
Today’s version of the La saya in most parts of modern Yungas region make inclusions of modern instruments that did not originally exist in the dance before. Virtually all genres incorporate accompaniments which include a variety of drums with the exception of mauchiwhich does not make inclusions of accompaniment. The Afro-Bolivians regard their mauchi traditions as a vestige of long lost Afro-Bolivians’ religion and practice. The mauchi traditional songs that form part of saya are an important part of burial and men sing the mauchi songs when leaving the cemetery after a burial ceremony as people go back to their homes. The songs are also sung on 2nd November during the “Todos los Santos”. When singing the mauchi men form a closed circle after joining hands and one elder from the community leads the singing whilst other men respond. The singing is not accompanied by any music instrumentals. La saya also makes use of scrapers and bells as additional accompaniments that are played alongside the several types of drums.
Among the Afro-Bolivians the making of music instruments was regarded as an important art in the community. As a result, makers of music instruments in the Afro-Bolivian community were highly regarded because of the talents they possessed in the manufacture of musical instruments. The bamboo scrapers (cuancha), saya drums and the colored drum mallets (haucañas) were particularly of special importance to the players of the music. The term haucañas which refers to the drum mallets is derived from the local Aymara native Indian tribe, and this serves as an example of the cultural integration in language between the Afro-Bolivians and the Aymara which resulted from their integration. The drums accompanying saya are made into three differing sizes and every drum plays a different and distinct rhythm which causes the distinct rhythms to interlock and produce a rhythmic sound with nice sounding reverberations. The biggest drums are referred to as the asentadores. These larger drums are used as pace setters. The second group consists of medium sized drums referred to as cambiadores. These medium sized drums are used to interlock the triplet pattern to the initiated basic duple set by the asentadores. The smaller sized drums are called gangengo, and these are used in interlocking an upbeat rhythmic pattern with the asentadores[viii].
The traditional saya dance accompanies the playing of the music and singing. The instrumental accompaniments help greatly in establishing the rhythm that the dancers follow when making their dance movements. The saya dance involves both women and men, however; the men and women have to form separate dance groupings and the two do not intermingle during the dance. All groups designate a captain that will lead the dance, by mainly setting the pace and rhythm that the dancers will follow. The designated captain wears pairs of bells on his legs, which jingle rhythmically according to the dance movements made. Bells worn on the left leg have a high pitching and they are used to lead the women’s group. The captain also has a low pitched bell on his right leg which is used to lead the men’s group. These bells provide accompanying sounds as well as act as rhythm or pace setters that guide the dancers. The Afro-Bolivians relate the bell to some form of symbolism, because they are used to symbolize the shackles and chains that were used to lock their enslaved African ancestors. Therefore, the dance and music is integrally connected to their heritage and past history which is passed down to their present day generations. A part from the drums used to accompany the saya, there are other additional accompaniments that are commonly used and these include shakers, gourds and jingles-all of which were passed down through generations by their ancestors.
Children may also participate in saya dance performances. The dancers wear a combination of African and Aymara clothes, which signify the kind of cultural integration and influence that they have undergone. It is common to see women spin to the drums’ rhythm in their petticoats and Aymara styled skirts known as “pollera”. They also wear bright colored blouses having ribbons and many colors. The women carry a bowler hat that is black in color on one arm and a pastel blue folded shawl on the other arm. The shawl or back cover is known as “manta”. On the other hand, male participants in the saya wear a slash round their waist which is designed in an Aymara style, a feast shirt and a hat. They also wear “bayetas” pants and sandals. The saya’s lyrics are mostly about how the Afro-Bolivians brought their African ancestral rhythms and roots to the land of Bolivia. Historically, saya was sung in African tribal languages that slowly faded with time, and later the Afro-Bolivian ancestors were compelled to sing the saya in Spanish. A part from the music and dance the dress code of most Afro-Bolivians is a prototype of the Aymara’s cultural dress code. Therefore, most of their dressing was an adoption of the Aymara Indian culture. The rhythm of the dance starts whenever a jingle of the bell is made by the Caporal or captain that leads the dance. The caporal alternatively known as “capataz” leads the participants of the dance by a cudgel or whip on one hand. The caporal wears pants that are decorated and bells around the leg which are tied close to the ankles. The female dancers also have their guide and they sing and dance by gyrating their hips and waists while shaking hands and dialoguing with the bass drum and coancha players.
Modern saya directly originated from the traditional saya and other closely related variants of similar dances mentioned earlier and music, however; it is characteristically Afro-Bolivian in style. The dance is merely for the purpose of sport and many festivals presenting the music and dance have various religious aspects. Supposedly one dances to the Virgin Mary promising to dance at least for three years of his/her life, though many tournaments and ballets are maintained secular. The original saya, Tuntuna, Afro-Boliviana and Tundique have stayed put for long without any significant changes, thus withstanding the test of time. On the other hand, caporales and modern saya have transformed in a drastic manner every decade.
Regional and style differences
Modern saya is akin to the old saya, but it has both extreme and subtle differences. Male participants in the saya dance look like their caporal leader, but the caporal clothing is constricting, larger and made from woolen thick material, whereas; those of the male dancers is made from light material closely fitted to the dancers’ body for fluid and better movement of the arms. At times the dancers may also use a whip (Cudgel), just like the caporal that leads them, but it is more common for the dancers to simply dance with black or white gloves that match the dancing uniform worn. The female dancers have more relaxed and fitting dance outfits in comparison to the caporal. These differences are subtler and they include the use of a light material, laced sleeves and less skirt. Extreme disparities can be witnessed in the dance’s performance. The dancing groups’ caporal is regarded as a strong and masculine figure and men use their arms in making dance movements which portray a strong and “macho” appearance. On the other hand, their female counterparts emulate their male counterparts’ moves, but with a concentration that shows off their skirts and legs in manner that is flirtatious. Modern versions of the saya dance lay greater focus on beauty.
Saya male dancers wave clenched fists or open palms in the air whilst jumping and spinning in rhythm to the caporal’s muscle flexing moves. In contrast the female dancers twist, jump and shake with a lot of excitement and energy which contrasts the dull performance of female dancers in caporales in which female dancers simply serve as eye candy to the spectators. The choreography of saya dances make provision for a brief interlude that is akin to a ballet, where the theme of the dance is briefly introduced. This kind of choreography plan is also applied in the caporales of the American version. At present caporales, saya, Tundique and Tuntuna music can be interchanged in use because they have subtle differences and are all variations of each other with slight differences. Tuntuna is a variation of Tundique, whereas; caporales derives some of its elements from ballet saya. However, the Afro-Boliviana and original saya remain quite distinct and slightly changed. This dance never had proper music and the participants adopted kullawadas and huayños prior to the composition of the first saya song. The dance has greatly grown in popularity in current day Bolivia with slight changes in the rhythm. The dance is particularly liked by the younger Bolivian generation in the upper and middle class. These young people form groups of caporales for Gran Poder, Carnivals and many other “entradas”.
Influence of Saya on Latin carnivals and musical performances in Bolivia
HistoricallyBolivians have been celebrating carnivals for a very long time. As a matter fact carnivals have been a common celebration mode for most Latin America nations including Brazil, Bolivia, the Caribbean, Colombia and Cuba. There are various variants of dances and music genres used in these different Latin America nations to celebrate the carnivals. The different carnivals celebrated in these different nations differ slightly due to culturally influenced differences within the localities in which they are performed[ix]. These slight differences result from the syncretism of various cultural traditions: with some originating from African traditions from descendants of slaves in these nations, and some from the European occupants as well as the Amerindians that form the native Indian cultures of the continent. The most popular traditional locality for these carnivals in the Latin America is a central Bolivian city known as Oruro. The carnival celebrations in this locality are of a traditional religious nature and Andean invocations are done to various deities including mother earth, Tio Supay, Virgen Del Socavon (this was the patroness of the enslaved miners that worked in Potosi during the colonial era)andthe devil[x]. Different types of dances are performed during the carnivals and these include the La Diablada, La saya and caporales (a dance inspired and developed from the traditional saya).
La Diablada is perhaps the most famous of the dances which are usually performed on the Saturday that precedes Ash Wednesday Catholic celebrations. La Diablada is a symbolic religious dance in which the fight between good and evil is depicted through performances of mock fights between the devil and the Arch-Angel Michael. These dances have a religious connotation mainly related to the Roman Catholic faith, because a large number of Latin Americans are Catholics by faith, especially; Bolivians where the faith is the main religion in the country of Bolivia. Caporales which is a dance and music genre whose origin and inspiration is rooted in the traditional La saya is used to make fun of the slaves’ black overseers. Other dances performed in these carnivals include the Tobas, El Tinku (a dance demonstrating battle encounters) and the Morenada which has native Indian and African descent and influence mainly derived from the more African La saya. The morenada is performed by dancers wearing white and black colored masks which show the Bolivians hybrid nature with both African and Indigenous Indian descent. The mask also denotes the nature of the dance which is a hybrid of indigenous Indian and Afro-Bolivian descent. On the other hand, the Tobas is a dance that originates from an ethnic group that lives near River Pilcomayo’s mouth. This dance is more indigenous and does not have any Afro-Bolivian influence. The carnival tradition was originally European, and it was brought in to Bolivia and other Latin America nations by the colonists such as the Spaniards. However, since the 18thcentury the carnivals’ dances, music and meaning have greatly transformed due to influence from elements of Afro-Bolivian and indigenous Indian culture. Culturally, it is evident that the dance and music descending from the enslaved African ancestors has greatly influenced the manner in which festivities involving music are performed as well as the music genre and dance types in the Latin America, especially; Bolivia.
Influence of Saya on Caporales, Tuntuna and Tundique dance and music derivatives
Caporales is a folkloric dance that derives its inspiration and distinctive aspects from the traditional Saya music and dance. This derivative of music and dance developed in La Paz, Bolivia. The dance’s first public presentation in 1968, by the Estrada brothers began the onset of its popularity and establishment. The dance’s focus centers on the Caporal character. Black slaves’ overseers known as Caporal led slaves in the past mining era in Potosi and later in the haciendas where they were taken to do cultivation activities in Yungas. The Caporal character that leads the dance as well as the dancers use whips and other paraphernalia which symbolize the theme of slavery amongst the blacks. The dance’s performance is reminiscent of the slavery era and activities. The dance derives its name-caporales-from the caporal character identified from the La Saya dance whose origin and main performance takes place in Yungas regions. The caporales has a religious connotation and it is performed for the patroness (Virgin of Socavon) of the enslaved miners at Potosi. Conclusively, it can be noted that caporales is a derivative of dance and music inspired by the saya dance and music[xi]. Currently, caporales is recognized as one of the folkloric dances from Bolivia, and it is performed in many places including the United States by Bolivian immigrants. The are various immigrant groups in the United States that perform the caporales and these include the “Sangre Boliviana”, “San Simon U.S de Virginia” and “Alma Boliviana”. The leader of the dance a male caporal depicts the role of the Spanish guards that guarded the slaves, by wearing caporal dress, with boots that are heeled and also carries large bells known to Bolivian natives as “cascabeles”.
Other male dancers carry whips on the right and hats on the left hand-a typical derivation from the traditional La saya. In modern caporales’ performances even females are allowed to play the role of male dancers and in such circumstances they are referred to as the “machas” or “chinas”. On the other hand, female participants in the caporales wear mini-dresses, high heeled fancy shoes, round top hats and pants that match the mini-dress. The hat is usually pinned to the hair of the female participants. The dresses’ colors and styles are kept similar within groups of dancers. However, they may vary between different groups. Like the La saya male and female dancers progressively march and dance in separate groups. The dance is extremely active and there is a lot of jumping involved in the caporales. Caporales is often mistaken by many for the La saya originally from the Afro-Bolivians. The popular composition of song texts for caporales by the Bolivian music group known as “Los Kjarkas” has also contributed to the confusion because the songs are quite like the saya music. The confusion also partly arises from an international version of a ballet known as saya caporal being performed under the name “modern saya”. However, there is an explicit connection between the two dances because the creators of caporales-Estrada Pacheco family brothers-drew their inspiration from Afro-Bolivians in Yungas[xii].
The Tuntuna is also another Bolivian folkloric dance and music that derives much of its traditional aspects from the caporales which is a direct derivative of La saya. Tuntuna is mainly performed in the Cusco region of Bolivia, and both the Tuntuna and caporales have characteristics that are reminiscent of the saya music and dance. This is due to the limited number of repetitive phrases with differing lengths, a dominant duple meter, fast tempo and upbeat nature of all these dances. Many songs that have popularized the Tuntuna music are from compositions made by the musical group known as Proyeccion Kjarkas. Tuntuna dance costumes differ from one locality to another, but there are some specific characteristics that are kept constant. These include the synthetic, shiny, and bright materials used in designing the costumes. The clothing has prominent ruffles of a white color and long sleeves, and both male and female participants also where high heeled boots, which are knee-high.
Figure 1: The costumes’ appearance in a Tuntuna dance.
The women’s skirts are flared and they have several decorated tucks that end at the knee level. The women also wear a number of visible petticoats under the skirts. Tuntuna has no set choreography, but the dancers march in two parallel lines consisting of men and women. Dance moves in Tuntuna dances vary and they are formulated with time. Unlike the saya dance guided by jingles, the Tuntuna is guided by a whistle blower who conducts and directs the dancers by whistling. The female and male dancers’ groups only come together whenever they want to form a “figura” (shape) such as a circle or butterfly. Different shapes are chosen each year and used in the dances. Like the other carnival dances that it originates from the Tuntuna is a marching form of dance meant for dancers marching down streets rather than having dramatized dances. The basic dance for the women constitutes the shaking of shoulders and occasional side hops and jumps, whereas; the men’s movements are more vigorous and extreme and men make high jumps and spinning in the air that is more acrobatic-like.
The recitation and writing of poetry is also another very important aspect of the artistic culture of Afro-Bolivians and at times this goes hand in hand with the singing and dancing at festivities. In La Paz and Tocaña there are community poets who compose and make recitations during brief sessions that are programmed into the public performances of the music. This poetry as part of the Afro-Bolivian culture mostly covers issues on Afro-Bolivian’s challenges and struggles against discrimination and racism. Thus poetry and music in this culture seem inseparable.
Current significance of Saya music
In the recent past there has been a great resurgence of the Afro-Bolivian saya dance and music, and some groups have been created centered on the musical theme of the folk lore dance. Historically, Afro-Bolivian citizens have been under neglect with very little representation since the colonial era. The marginalization experienced by Afro-Bolivians has greatly reduced them into poverty where they lack appropriate educational and health institutions. There is no other unifying cultural factor that the Afro-Bolivians could establish ground and unity to consolidate their struggles to be heard by the government other than the Afro-Bolivian musical heritage in the saya music and dance[xiii]. As a result, the saya music movement has developed as a platform upon which Afro-Bolivians can air their grievances and needs to a government that seems to have forgotten that they exist as part of the Bolivian citizenry. The saya music movement endeavors to empower the Afro-Bolivians to stand against the current discrimination that they face as a minority group in the nation of Bolivia. The Afro-Bolivian musicians make use of saya music as a channel through which they can further activism of a political nature. This movement and its members have successfully managed to gain visibility in Bolivian societies through narrating the Afro-Bolivian story and portraying their identity via saya musical performances in the country.
The Afro-Bolivians’ small population has been their great undoing and they have been unable to get themselves heard or well represented. But the approach of the issue from a musical platform offers them a very powerful tool to address their issues. The Bolivian governmental regime gives official definition of its population as being constituted of whites, mestizos and indigenous people mostly Indians. This clearly shows that the government neglects the minority Afro-Bolivians and is oblivious of their plight. Juan Angola one of the Afro-Bolivian historians says that “It is proof that the government has forgotten us, but we are part of the nation.”. Juan is the author of a book published in the recent past about Afro-Bolivian culture and history. His book “Roots of a People” historically highlights the life of the African slaves who later turned into Afro-Bolivians after emancipation. The book outlines a clear timeline in the history of Bolivia and the Afro-Bolivians. The Afro-Bolivian leaders and activists are actually exerting more effort in trying to get their people’s voice heard by the Bolivian government and they are strongly getting assertive. Monica Rey is one of the hardworking activists championing this course at the (MCSA), Afro-Bolivian Saya Cultural Movement which has been in operation for over a decade now[xiv]. The organization is making great effort in trying to revive their traditions and culture such as the saya dance and music as well as to assert Afro-Bolivians’ presence in a nation dominated by indigenous Indian populations. In fact the Afro-Bolivians are always confused with Peruvians or Brazilians. During 1994 the organization took part in matching at the Bolivian presidential palace. In recent years the effort has shown slight improvement and gains because at least some Afro-Bolivians have been able to get positions in local political and government offices.
However, the Afro-Bolivian people are still calling for more attention from the Bolivian government. The town of Tocana which is mainly populated by black families is a clear indicator of the poor life that Afro-Bolivians live. The town which is situated to the Northern part of Yungas has no electricity, high schools and there are no proper medical facilities, whereas; the people have been calling for these services from the government for a very long time. Children from the town have to attend high school in the neighboring town of Coroico where they have to rent rooms within the tourist town which is 12 hours walk away from Tocana.
Other cultural changes within Bolivia and among Afro-Bolivians.
The wider population of Bolivia speaks Spanish, however; some indigenous groups such as the Quechua and Aymara have managed to hold on to their indigenous dialects without changing for centuries. The coming of the Spanish people transformed Bolivia greatly and made cultural changes such as the introduction of the Spanish language which is mostly spoken in the cities and by almost half the population. A large number of mestizos speak Spanish and it is highly preferred in modern times than in the past. Tribes like the Afro-Bolivians have almost completely lost their African dialects and most of them speak Spanish. The Spanish colonists introduced a lot of western elements of culture which have lasted and overridden some local cultural aspects. However, some traditional indigenous cultural aspects such the indigenous languages, music and dance have managed to survive with some few culturally influenced alterations. Virtually all Bolivians speaking Spanish as their first language follow customs that are of a western nature.
Bolivia’s cultural development can be categorized into three different periods: republican period, the colonial period and the pre-Columbian period. Archaeological ruins, ceramics, gold, stone monuments, silver ornaments and weaved material have been preserved from the Pre-Columbian era. These artifacts show the socio-cultural and economic activities that the indigenous people used to engage in prior to the coming of the Spaniards and the introduction of the black slaves to Bolivia. There are major ruins that have been used to study the cultural development and these include the Incallajta, Tiwanaku, Iskanwaya and Samaipata. Spanish colonists brought introduced religious art which was later transformed in to a rich artistic expression by the local mestizo and indigenous artisans and builders who applied these art forms in sculpturing (mestizo baroque), painting and architecture. This adoption of some cultural elements from the colonist can be exemplified by artistic works such as paintings by the local Bolivians such as Bitti, Flores and Perez de Holguin. There were also many unknown gold smiths, stone cutters, silversmiths, and wood carvers. During the 18th to 19th century a distinguished movement of art known as the “Mestizo Baroque” developed and in these movement artists applied indigenous artistic techniques to develop religious art forms.
The integration of traditional art techniques to create art that espoused western themes is still evident even in today’s Bolivian culture expressed through various art forms. The integration of the west and Andean art forms is a clear example of the integration. The musical culture in Bolivia which is reminiscent of marching parades of carnival dancers is also another adopted cultural aspect that can be associated with the Spanish colonists. Initially carnivals were a Spanish initiative which later developed various local adoptions and adaptations that incorporated indigenous traditional dances and songs as well as those from introduced groups such as the black slaves that make up the Afro-Bolivian population. Twentieth century popular Bolivian musicians including Alfredo Da Silva, Arturo Borda and Guzman De Rojas have integrated musical elements from the Andean native tribes, the Afro-Bolivians of African descent and the Spanish culture to produce modern music receiving international air play, but with originally Bolivian mixed cultural influence.
Pagan observances and rites of the indigenous people from both the pre-Columbian and colonial eras are still observed in some localities, especially; on native festivals of religious nature. The current Columbian population is mainly Roman Catholic, but some traditional rites such as the fertility rites known as Tinku are still performed by natives each third day of May at Macha. Devil dances that constituted traditional indigenous religious rites are still performed in some times such as during the carnival of Oruro performed every year[xv]. The reading of Coca leaves by traditional medicine-men as a way of reading one’s past of future is still practiced among the locals. Medical consultation healing and use of the past Andean art of medicine-men is still practiced even at the present day. There a few people that still hold on to these old rites and rituals that may have traditional religious significance, however; currently these beliefs of the past are slowly fading as the younger generations embrace Christianity. Most Bolivians, including the Afro-Bolivians are affiliated to the Roman Catholic faith and are thus Christian by faith. Christian believers in the Afro-Bolivian community of the Nor Yungas region attend masses at their local regional church at Coroico, which is a tourist town. Their attendance usually occurs on baptism ceremonies and other life-cycle religious celebration based on the Catholic faith.
The Roman Catholic priests situated at Coroico occasionally make journeys to Afro-Bolivian agricultural communities located in the country-side of Nor Yungas in regions such as Mururata and Tocana to offer mass services to the local Afro-Bolivians. All villages inhabited by Afro-Bolivians have patron saints and each village makes their own religious celebrations for their patron saints during certain times of the year. These celebration fiestas may last for a number of days. Local Afro-Bolivian mythology has it that during the struggle for independence between 1809 t0 1825, the locals were saved from annihilation by “Virgen de la Candelaria”. According to the myth the people of Coroico were saved by an army of patriots that descended from the sky when the Spanish royalist army by the Spanish crown descended upon their village. The local indigenous people and the fro-Bolivians celebrate this day on October 20th. The town of Coroico currently holds the largest fiesta in the region during celebrations that mark the day for their patron saint. Afro-Bolivians in Coroico take part in this fiesta by singing songs that are specially composed and dedicated to the “Virgen de la Candelaria”, and notably these songs are part of their saya traditional music form.
Clothes worn on these festivals are similar to those worn during the Pre-Columbian era by the native Indian tribes and some festivities featuring Spanish characters also portray the 16th century attires worn by the Spaniards. The Afro-Bolivians who have had the greatest cultural revival in the nation still hold on to their ceremonial monarchial leadership which was passed down from the ancestral periods by the slaves brought to Bolivia. The Nor Yungas Afro-Bolivian population maintained a lineage of kings that broke in the early twentieth century with the demise of King Bonifacio Pinedo. King Bonifacio lived in a village known as Mururata where he reigned as the Afro-Bolivian king. Bonifacio wore a crown during festivities to show his kingship, especially; during the Easter celebrations and other important festivities. After King Bonifacio’s death in the 60’s there was no immediate heir and the throne remained vacant, until 1982, when his grandson took up his place on the throne. This period of reinstatement of the kingship marked the onset of cultural re-invigoration among the Afro-Bolivians who desired to revive their culture and maintain their identity. Therefore, despite the modern advancements in culture and government the Afro-Bolivians have been able to retain their traditional leadership structure based on the monarchy though a ceremonial one in the current state.
Bolivian clothing is distinct and it is a result of the mixture of the three cultures that intermingled during the colonial era. During the Pre-Columbian era the natives wore their traditional attire that was locally made. However, with the coming of the Spanish clothing began changing and the native Indians as well as the introduced slaves began wearing clothes that had a Spanish inspiration of design and material. The Pollera for example was a traditional skirt of a Spanish descent that was worn during the colonial era by local peasant women that were compelled by their Spanish masters to wear the Polleras. Currently, such dressing is only ceremonial and used in festivities such as dances to portray the historical heritage[xvi]. It is now proudly considered indigenous and a depiction of pride for being indigenous. Another common piece is the bowler hat which is common to the Bolivian culture. The bowler hat was initially British by origin. However; the Bolivians adopted the hat and were able to weave locally made bowler hats that became a common part of their dressing for both men and women. Depending on how a hat was worn by any woman and individual would tell the aspirations and marital status of the woman wearing the hat, thus becoming an important cultural symbol in the society of the Bolivians.
Bolivian games and sports are also part of the cultural development that has been ongoing for a long time. A large number of sports and games that are characteristic to Bolivians were adopted from the Spaniards. However, with modernization and advances in technology as well as introduction of foreign games some of the games and sporting activities are beginning to fade away gradually. Most of the games required physical strength and were meant to ones physical ability and skills to test because these were necessary elements of survival in the past[xvii]. These games included the “Thunka” in which squares were drawn on the ground and given names of days of the week and players had to hop on to their squares (wherever their cast stone landed to avoid disqualification). The “Caretilla” which literarily translates to wheelbarrow required four players paired into twos and one player would play the wheelbarrow by moving with his hands whereas; the playmate held his/her legs like the handles of a wheelbarrow. The pairs of players would then compete in a race.
“Enchoque” consisted of a wooden toy with ball made from wood and a stick with a string tied to the ball. Players are supposed to through the ball into the air and try to position the stick so that the stick would precisely fit into the hole on the ball as it falls. The bringing of horses in to Bolivia by the Spaniards also brought about new games that could be played on horse backs. An example is the “Sortija” where players on horse back would try to stick pointed sticks into a hole on a disk tied on to a string tied on two points such as trees. Players that successfully manage to stick the pointed stick into the hole get a prize, and losers give way to the next players and the game goes on till all prizes have been worn. “Trompo” is also another game that owes its origin to the Spanish people. “Trompo” literarily means ‘top’. In this game the players draw a circle on the ground upon which they spin their tops using strings. The idea of the game is to spin your top in a manner that will knock and stop the opponent’s top from spinning or at least knock it out of the circle to win.
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